Henderson 1997: 38. Two forms are attested:, probably sharing the same root morpheme: ɕá-ɕɛ̄ 'all' and ɕá-lé-gwı̀ ~ ɕá-lé-ɕá-gwı̀ 'all' (difference as well as internal structure is not quite clear). Additionally, cf. gǝyá 'all, every, the whole lot' [Henderson 1997: 125]; lólò 'all, everything' [Henderson 1997: 220].
Geba Karen:ló=sá-sɛ̀ʔ1
Shee 2008: 167. Obviously a compound form; external comparison with Bwe Karen allows to extract the same root segment =sa- as in Bwe Karen ɕa q.v. ("prefixal" ló= is unclear, but it could be the same as in Bwe Karen ló-lò 'all, everything' q.v.).
Eastern Kayah Li:pwā2
Solnit 1997: 203, 353. This is a quantifier, glossed as 'every' (e. g. pwā pʰre 'every person') and distinct from ɕʰī 'whole, the entire' (e. g. 'all' as totus rather than omnis). Differently in Fraser Bennett's notes: lɔ̄ʰ=plȉ 'all' [Bennett Ms.]. However, according to Solnit, this would rather be an adverbial form, composed of lɔ̄ 'to exhaust, expend, use up' and plī 'clean, slippery' [Solnit 1997: 348, 354].
Western Kayah Li:
Not properly attested. Cf. the expression lɔ̄=plī, glossed as 'all' in [Bennett Ms.], and notes on its equivalent in Eastern Kayah Li.
Kayah Monu:lɤ́-bɔ̀3
Myar 2004: 168. Quoted as ló-bɔ̀ in [Wai 2013: 39].
Brek Kayaw:lɤ̄ʰ3
Myar 2004: 168.
Yintale:lū-lù ~ lù-plī3
Myar 2004: 168.
Pekon Kayan:lóʰ3
Manson Ms.
Lahta Kayan:lū3
Ywar 2013: 26, 56.
Yinbaw:pwáiʰ-trʋ̀2
Manson Ms.
Number:2
Word:ashes
Bwe Karen:pʰɛ̄1
Henderson 1997: 291. Polysemy: 'ashes / dust'. Also exists as a compound: pʰɛ̄-kʰō 'earth, dust, ashes'. Distinct from the more specialized term kʰlɛ́ 'ash from a fired clearing when washed by the rain, which is recognized as a good fertilizer; lye' [Henderson 1997: 182].
Geba Karen:pʰɛ́ʔ1
Shee 2008: 165.
Eastern Kayah Li:mì=pi̯à1
Solnit 1997: 349. A compound formation with mì= 'fire' q.v. Different compound in [Kirkland & Dawkins 2007: 70]: kú=pʰèʔ (Huai Phung), kó=pʰēèʔ (Huai Chang Kham), kű=pʰȅ (Fraser Bennett) in [Kirkland & Dawkins 2007: 70].
Western Kayah Li:kɔ̋=pʰɛ̏1
Kirkland & Dawkins 2007: 70.
Kayah Monu:pʰá1
Myar 2004: 165.
Brek Kayaw:pʰà1
Myar 2004: 165.
Yintale:pʰā1
Myar 2004: 165.
Pekon Kayan:méʰ=pʰâ ~ méʰ=pʰó1
Manson Ms. The first component is 'fire' q.v.
Lahta Kayan:pʰà1
Ywar 2013: 51.
Yinbaw:pʰȁ1
Manson Ms.
Number:3
Word:bark
Bwe Karen:=pʰē1
Henderson 1997: 290. Polysemy: 'skin / hide / bark / scales'. Cf. also the more specialized term θrɔ̄ 'fibrous bark of a tree of the sterculia family; any kind of fibrous material used to make ropes etc., e.g. hemp' [Henderson 1997: 369].
Geba Karen:θò=ɓèʔ1
Shee 2008: 163. The first part = θóʔ 'tree' q.v.
Eastern Kayah Li:
Not attested.
Western Kayah Li:
Not attested.
Kayah Monu:ʂɤ̀=pʰé1
Myar 2004: 161. The first part = ʂɤ́ 'tree' q.v.
Brek Kayaw:θɯ̀=pʰé1
Myar 2004: 161. The first part = θɯ̀ 'tree' q.v.
Yintale:sěin=bēi1
Myar 2004: 161. The first part = sěin 'tree' q.v.
Pekon Kayan:θǝ̂ŋ=pêŋ2
Manson Ms. The first part = 'tree' q.v. Cf. also θâu 'fibrous bark' in [Manson 2007: 13].
Lahta Kayan:
Not attested.
Yinbaw:θɯ̃̏...=pʰe̋1
Manson Ms. The first part = 'tree' q.v.; the second part = 'skin' q.v.
Number:4
Word:belly
Bwe Karen:=gǝ̀=pʰú1
Henderson 1997: 124. Polysemy: 'belly / stomach'. Bound usage only. The first component is a fossilized prefix, as seen from external comparison.
Geba Karen:pʰú1
Shee 2008: 164.
Eastern Kayah Li:hɔ́=pʰú1
Solnit 1997: 343. The first morpheme is glossed individually as hɔ́ 'stomach'. It may be a constituent of two compounds: hɔ́-kū 'stomach (organ)' (where kū = 'hole; inside') and hɔ́-pʰú 'the organ, belly, abdomen (external area)'. External data show that =pʰú in the second compound is the original root for 'belly'; thus, 'belly' literally = 'stomach-belly'. Glossed with the meaning 'abdomen' as hɔ́ʔ (Huai Phung, Huai Chang Kham), hɔ̋ˤ (Fraser Bennett) in [Kirkland & Dawkins 2007: 62]; in the light of Solnit's data, this looks like a possible semantic inaccuracy.
Western Kayah Li:hɔ̋ #2
Kirkland & Dawkins 2007: 62. Meaning glossed as 'abdomen'. Since the same word means 'stomach' in Eastern Kayah Li and only means 'belly, abdomen' as part of a compound, the accuracy of semantic glossing in Western Kayah Li is also placed under doubt.
Kayah Monu:pʰù1
Myar 2004: 163. Quoted as hī=pʰù in [Wai 2013: 70].
Brek Kayaw:pʰɯ̋1
Myar 2004: 163.
Yintale:hú2
Myar 2004: 163.
Pekon Kayan:pʰǝ́u1
Manson Ms.
Lahta Kayan:fō1
Ywar 2013: 18.
Yinbaw:pʰű1
Manson Ms.
Number:5
Word:big
Bwe Karen:ɗō1
Henderson 1997: 89. Polysemy: 'big / great / important / older'. As a verbal stem, also means 'to grow, enlarge, increase'. With a different tone, cf. also ɗó 'to swell, be big' [Henderson 1997: 87].
Geba Karen:ǝ̄=dòʔ1
Shee 2008: 167. Verbal stem: 'to be big'.
Eastern Kayah Li:dù1
Solnit 1997: 342. Quoted as ȁ=dȕ in [Bennett Ms.].
Western Kayah Li:dȕ1
Bennett Ms.
Kayah Monu:ʔà=dó1
Myar 2004: 168. Quoted as dó 'big' in [Wai 2013: 15].
Brek Kayaw:ʔà=dù1
Myar 2004: 168. The form ʔà=pʰrū is listed as synonymous.
Yintale:pʰá=dū1
Myar 2004: 168.
Pekon Kayan:dóʰ1
Manson 2007: 12.
Lahta Kayan:dù1
Ywar 2013: 16.
Yinbaw:dȕ1
Manson Ms.
Number:6
Word:bird
Bwe Karen:ɕūɓá-pʰō1
Henderson 1997: 49. The component -pʰō = 'child, young one, little one' [Henderson 1997: 296].
Geba Karen:tʰò-pʰōʔ1
Shee 2008: 164. The component -pʰōʔ = 'small' q.v.
Myar 2004: 162. Cf. ʔá 'to bite' in [Wai 2013: 22], essentially the same form as ʔá 'to eat' q.v. Not yet clear if this reflects a merger of the two meanings in one original verbal form, or if this is simply a case of secondary homonymy in a particular dialect of Kayah Monu.
Brek Kayaw:ʔè1
Myar 2004: 162.
Yintale:ʔēi1
Myar 2004: 162.
Pekon Kayan:êŋ1
Manson Ms. Cf. also kʰáŋ 'bite' in [Manson 2007: 15].
Lahta Kayan:ēi̯ŋ1
Ywar 2013: 71.
Yinbaw:ʔe̋1
Manson Ms.
Number:8
Word:black
Bwe Karen:θí1
Henderson 1997: 362. Polysemy: 'black / dark'.
Geba Karen:ǝ̄=θí-pàʔ1
Shee 2008: 168. Meaning of the component -pàʔ is unclear.
Manson 2007: 21. Quoted as sʰwìʰ in [Manson Ms.].
Lahta Kayan:šwí1
Ywar 2013: 19.
Yinbaw:šʰwe̋1
Manson Ms.
Number:11
Word:breast
Bwe Karen:=áʆɔ̄1
Henderson 1997: 196. Polysemy: 'chest / breast'. Alternate synonym: θā dǝnɛ́ 'chest, breast' [Henderson 1997: 353], where θā = 'heart' q.v. The meaning 'female breast' is also expressed by the equivalent =nū [Henderson 1997: 265].
Geba Karen:
Not attested.
Eastern Kayah Li:
Not attested. The word for 'female breast' is ʔì=nú [Solnit 1997: 351].
Western Kayah Li:
Not attested.
Kayah Monu:
Not attested.
Brek Kayaw:
Not attested.
Yintale:
Not attested.
Pekon Kayan:
Not attested.
Lahta Kayan:
Not attested.
Yinbaw:
Not attested.
Number:12
Word:burn tr.
Bwe Karen:gɛ̀1
Henderson 1997: 107. Meaning glossed as 'to burn, be alight'. Transitive formation (ʆú gɛ̀ 'to kindle, burn, light') is achieved by adding the auxiliary verb ʆú 'to prepare' [ibid.]. Cf. also ú 'to burn, catch fire' [Henderson 1997: 391].
Geba Karen:šwéʔ-m̥èʔ2
Shee 2008: 167. The second component is an assimilated variant of the noun 'fire' q.v. It is not clear whether the verb is transitive, intransitive, or both.
Eastern Kayah Li:ɕʰɯ́2
Solnit 1997: 341. Glossed as 'kindle', but textual examples throughout the book show that this is probably the main transitive equivalent for the basic 'to burn' (cf.: "she burned up two of mine [blankets]"; "his brother-in-law burnt (up) his head-skin"; "when we've finished burning (it) we chop up the brush again", etc.), as opposed to kɛ́ 'to burn (intr.)' [Solnit 1997: 344]. Quoted as čɯ̋ʔ (Huai Phung), čɯ̋ʔ (Huai Chang Kham), ȉ=ʆʰɯ̋ (Fraser Bennett) in [Kirkland & Dawkins 2007: 64].
Western Kayah Li:ȉ=sʰɯ̏2
Kirkland & Dawkins 2007: 64.
Kayah Monu:mí=kɛ̀1
Myar 2004: 167. The first part is 'fire' q.v.
Brek Kayaw:mì=kɛ̄1
Myar 2004: 167. The first part is 'fire' q.v.
Yintale:míʰ=kâi1
Myar 2004: 167. The first part is 'fire' q.v.
Pekon Kayan:sǝ̄u2
Manson Ms.
Lahta Kayan:tʰàŋ3
Ywar 2013: 15, 121. Seemingly a transitive verb, since it is attested in the VP "burn the candle".
Yinbaw:cùʰ-kàiʰ2
Manson Ms.
Number:12
Word:burn tr.
Bwe Karen:
Geba Karen:
Eastern Kayah Li:
Western Kayah Li:
Kayah Monu:cʰó-mí2
Myar 2004: 167. The second part is 'fire' q.v. Unfortunately, the source does not specify the semantic difference between the two complex stems; it is possible that one is transitive and one is intransitive, but there is no way to prove that without solid textual evidence. We tentatively accept both forms as synonymous, pending future clarification.
Brek Kayaw:ǯū-mì2
Myar 2004: 167. The second part is 'fire' q.v. Same situation with quasi-synonyms as in Kayah Monu.
Yintale:sʰú-mīʰ2
Myar 2004: 167. The second part is 'fire' q.v. Same situation with quasi-synonyms as in Kayah Monu.
Pekon Kayan:
Lahta Kayan:
Yinbaw:
Number:13
Word:claw(nail)
Bwe Karen:=ɕū=θǝ́=mī1
Henderson 1997: 107. The first component is =ɕū 'hand' q.v.
Geba Karen:sù=θí=mìʔ1
Shee 2008: 164. The first component is su= 'hand' q.v.
Eastern Kayah Li:kú=mʌ̀1
Solnit 1997: 345. The first component is a productive body part prefix. Quoted as kű=mǝ̄-bàʔ (with an additional suffixal component) (Huai Phung), kú=mǝ̄ǝ̀ (Huai Chang Kham) in [Kirkland & Dawkins 2007: 61]. Fraser Bennett's equivalent for the same meaning seems to contain a different root: kǝ̏=nɔ̄-bȁ [Kirkland & Dawkins 2007: 61] (cf. also his data for Western Kayah Li).
Western Kayah Li:kǝ=nɔ̄=bȁ2
Kirkland & Dawkins 2007: 61.
Kayah Monu:kʰɔ́=mù=bé2
Myar 2004: 163. The first bimorphemic component is kʰɔ́=mù 'finger' (literally: 'hand-finger').
Brek Kayaw:ǯɯ̄=θì=mì1
Myar 2004: 163. The first component is ǯɯ 'hand' q.v.
Yintale:ǯáu=mēin1
Myar 2004: 163. The first component is ǯau 'hand' q.v.
Pekon Kayan:sǝ̀u=mû1
Manson Ms. The first component is a general root with the meaning 'arm, hand'.
Lahta Kayan:
Not attested.
Yinbaw:cǝ=mīʰ1
Manson Ms.
Number:14
Word:cloud
Bwe Karen:dɛ̄=ō1
Henderson 1997: 61. Productive nominalization of the verbal stem ō 'to be cloudy, overcast, dull' [Henderson 1994: 269].
Geba Karen:dɛ̀=tǝ̄ɓòʔ2
Shee 2008: 163. The morpheme dɛ= is a generic classifier.
Myar 2004: 160. The isolated root lù 'cloud' is also quoted in the work several times; pò= is clearly a prefix.
Brek Kayaw:ká=ʔɯ̀-tɤ́4
Myar 2004: 160. The root =ʔɯ̀- is tentatively isolated based on comparison with the Yintale equivalent.
Yintale:kān=ʔúŋ4
Myar 2004: 160. The first syllable is a nominal prefix (cf. kān=ǯù 'rain', kān=tà-ǯɛ̀n 'mist' [ibid.]).
Pekon Kayan:lā=ʔó1
Manson Ms.
Lahta Kayan:
Not attested.
Yinbaw:cǝ̏=ʔʋó1
Manson Ms.
Number:15
Word:cold
Bwe Karen:ɕō1
Henderson 1997: 44. Meaning glossed as 'to be cold, cool' (applied to all sorts of objects, e.g. water). Cf. also hɔ̄ 'to be cold' (probably of weather, judging by the derived formation dē-hɔ̄-kʰɛ́ 'winter') [Henderson 1997: 133].
Geba Karen:ǝ̄=sòʔ1
Shee 2008: 168. Verbal stem: 'to be cold'.
Eastern Kayah Li:rò2
Solnit 1997: 355. Quoted as ké=ròʔ (Huai Phung), ké=rōʔ (Huai Chang Kham) in [Kirkland & Dawkins 2007: 72]. Differently in Fraser Bennett's data: ȁ=tǝ̏ɕʌ̰̋ 'cold' [ibid.].
Western Kayah Li:rȍʰ2
Kirkland & Dawkins 2007: 72.
Kayah Monu:kà=wò2
Myar 2004: 169.
Brek Kayaw:kà=rò2
Myar 2004: 169.
Yintale:ʔà=ǯɛ̄3
Myar 2004: 169.
Pekon Kayan:kʰlóʰ4
Manson 2007: 12. Distinct from kʰú 'cool' [Manson 2007: 14].
Lahta Kayan:ʆū-qài̯5
Ywar 2013: 19.
Yinbaw:rʋʰ=ʍe̋2
Manson Ms.
Number:15
Word:cold
Bwe Karen:
Geba Karen:
Eastern Kayah Li:
Western Kayah Li:
Kayah Monu:ʔà=tò=kʰló4
Myar 2004: 169. Semantic difference between the two quasi-synonyms remains unexplained, so we have to take them as technical synonyms. Additionally, a third equivalent is listed (applied to 'water') in [Wai 2013: 84]: ʔà=kò=čó.
Brek Kayaw:
Yintale:ʔà=tà=klū4
Myar 2004: 169. Semantic difference between the two quasi-synonyms remains unexplained, so we have to take them as technical synonyms.
Pekon Kayan:
Lahta Kayan:
Yinbaw:
Number:16
Word:come
Bwe Karen:gē1
Henderson 1997: 106. Meaning glossed as 'to return home, to go back, come back', which makes the entry somewhat dubious. However, this does seem to be the typical antonym of lē 'to go', cf. lē-gē 'to come and go, to go to and fro' [Henderson 1997: 210], and there are no better candidates for this slot in Henderson's dictionary.
Geba Karen:lè=ɓà2
Shee 2008: 166. This is a compound verb, where the first component = lè 'to go' q.v., so it is the second component that must serve as the primary carrier of the meaning 'movement towards the speaker'.
Eastern Kayah Li:kà1
Solnit 1997: 344. Meaning glossed as 'move towards home, go, come, (sometimes) return', which makes the entry somewhat dubious; however, on p. 75 of the same source it is explained that the basic opposition between hɛ̄ and kà is not the same as in English 'come' and 'go': "kà and hɛ̄ usually refer to motion towards or away from the home of the speaker or other protagonist, whether the speaker/protagonist is at home or not". It is, however, semantically close enough to warrant the treatment of these verbs as the closest equivalents to the required Swadesh meanings; the opposition is also distinct from ɕwá 'to go' which "as main V.. usually has no deictic connotation at all" [Solnit 1997: 75].
Western Kayah Li:
Not properly attested. The form hi̯ā 'to come' in [Bennett Ms.] corresponds to Eastern Kayah Li hɛ̄ 'to come' [ibid.] and, according to Solnit's notes, should rather mean 'to go' than 'to come'.
Kayah Monu:hɛ̀-ʂú3
Myar 2004: 166. Glossed simply as hɛ̀ 'come' in [Wai 2013: 50].
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